When China's Domestic Market Starts to Act Like One
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China's long-standing effort to build a unified national market moved decisively toward execution in 2025. Implementation guidelines issued by the National Development and Reform Commission, followed by confirmation at a July meeting of the Central Financial and Economic Affairs Commission, signal a shift from institutional design to enforceable practice.
For foreign banks, investors, insurers, and professional service firms, the significance is practical rather than political: whether internal fragmentation—long a source of pricing distortion, legal uncertainty, and operational in efficiency—can finally be reduced in the world's second-largest economy.
Since the global financial crisis, China's growth model has faced mounting limits. External demand has become less reliable amid slower global growth, pandemic disruptions, and persistent trade frictions, particularly with the United States. At the same time, China's economic scale—1.4 billion people and per-capita GDP above USD 13,000—has made export-led growth increasingly insufficient.
The “dual-circulation” framework introduced in 2020 formalised this reality. Domestic production, distribution, and consumption were elevated to the centre of economic strategy, with international engagement repositioned as complementary. Within this framework, a unified national market is not an abstract ambition; it is the institutional condition that allows domestic demand, industrial upgrading, and innovation to reinforce one another.
Global precedent is instructive. Economies that command large, integrated end-markets tend to exert disproportionate influence over trade, finance, and currency systems. The global role of the US dollar is inseparable from the United States' unified consumer market. Chinese policymakers increasingly frame domestic integration in similar structural terms.
TWO
China's 2022 blueprint for market unification set broad principles. The 2025 guidelines narrow the focus and sharpen enforceability. Three elements matter most for foreign market participants.
First, limits on administrative and judicial intervention. Local governments are explicitly prohibited from interfering in economic disputes or seizing corporate assets without legal basis—addressing a long-standing concern over unpredictable local enforcement.
Second, contract credibility backed by credit consequences. Government agencies must honour contracts with private and small firms. Breaches are to be recorded in official credit systems and may affect performance evaluations. For lenders, insurers, and legal advisers, this increases the practical relevance of China’s credit registries and raises the cost of government-side default.
Third, logistics and interprovincial connectivity. The guidelines target bottlenecks in road and waterway networks and prohibit local technical standards that restrict freight movement. Even incremental reductions in internal friction can lower delivery risk and working-capital pressure for trade finance and supply-chain investors.
Compared with the 2022 framework, these measures are less aspirational and more transactional—designed to be tested through day-to-day commercial activity.
THREE
At the July 2025 meeting, policymakers adjusted the conceptual framing from “five unifications and one standardization” to “five unifications and one opening-up.” The change is subtle but consequential.
Replacing “regulating improper intervention” with “unifying governance standards” reflects an intent to align administrative behaviour across regions, not merely restrain excesses. More notably, framing integration as continuous opening-up—both internal and external—links domestic unification directly to credible participation in global trade and investment systems.
FOUR
Market integration rarely produces uniform outcomes. Capital and talent cluster where comparative advantages are strongest. Current policy direction points to several regions moving faster: the Guangdong–Hong Kong–Macao Greater Bay Area, the Yangtze River Delta, the Beijing–Tianjin–Hebei region, and emerging growth clusters in central and western China.
Zhang Ming, deputy director of the Institute of Finance and Banking at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, argues that these clusters could form a domestic “flying-geese” pattern, complemented by external linkages with Japan, South Korea, ASEAN economies, and Belt and Road partners. For international investors, the impliccation is clear: national unification does not eliminate regional strategy—it heightens its importance.
FIVE
Execution, however, remains constrained by local incentive structures. Officials are still evaluated largely on region-specific indicators such as GDP growth, fiscal revenue, debt levels, and environmental targets. These metrics encourage the retention of capital, talent, and corporate headquarters, even when such behaviour fragments the national market.
As a result, firms relocating across provinces may still face resistance, and financial institutions can encounter informal pressure when allocating capital beyond their home jurisdictions. For foreign institutions, this means regulatory risk will continue to vary by province despite national-level rules.






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